Acknowledgment

I thank MMDA Chairman Bayani F. Fernando for assigning me the task of writing a sketch of his father, the late Mayor Gil E. Fernando, and his times for the latter's centennial on September 1, 2005. Time constraints, lack of official records and the fact that most of his contemporaries are dead rendered this work more difficult than expected, but in the end it was very satisfying. I had to rely on my own recollections of the people and events that were part of Mayor Fernando's life, having had the privilege of knowing him, some of his contemporaries, and of directly participating in some of those campaigns in which Mayor Fernando was involved. Thanks also to my friend, former Mayor Teofisto Santos, for giving me an insight into some events during the postwar years, when as a young man, he came to watch Gil in his campaigns alongside his bosom friends and political ally, the late Ambassador Nicanor Roxas.

I wish I had taken careful notes of my conversations with the late Mayor Enrique de la Paz for he was to me a good storyteller of his times, when we served together in the office of Governor Rodriguez. I also thank Marcial Villanueva for stories he told me of the Japanese occupation. To my friends, Rudy de la Paz, Jojo Piñga, Ruben Montoya and Enrique "Ike" Cruz, my thanks for giving me a better understanding of the old Marikina during our many conversations. To Ligaya Fernando and Dalisay Fernando my heartfelt thanks for sharing with me some of their reminiscences. As will be noticed, I took the liberty of interpreting the events as they happened and I might be mistaken in some of my conclusions.. All the mistakes in this account are, of course, mine. I only hope that those who would read this account will have a better appreciation of the life and times of Mayor Gil E. Fernando, and thus of Marikina City.

Gener Paz

Gil Estanislao Fernando was born on the lst of September 1905 on a nipa house by the riverbanks in the barrio of Kalumpang. His parents were native Marikeños. His father, Narciso Fernando, came from Malanday and his mother, Fausta Bautista Estanislao, was from Kalumpang.

Gil's grandfather on the paternal side was Claro Fernando. He was a cabeza de barangay, a fact which indicates that he must have been of the upper class. He was into farming, and the big number of carabaos that he owned shows that his farm must have been a big one. Narciso had three brothers, Dalmacio, Dencio and Victorino and a sister, Antera. One of Dalmacio's son was Getulio, who started a chain of stores of auto parts, and the father of Clarito (Itoy) who is the best ballplayer Marikina has produced. Gil's mother, Justa, as she was fondly called in Kalumpang, was one of the five children of Gregorio Estanislao and Heriberta Manuel. Her granddaughter, Dalisay Fernando, described her as having "chintze eyes, fair smooth skin which had a blushed look…and an oval face with high cheekbones." What made her stand out in a crowd is her regal bearing and her height; she was five feet eight inches tall. Those who knew her were one in saying that she was an excellent cook. Gil said her mother made the best lechon sauce in town.

Gil grew up alone with her mother in their riverside home, the river, the farms and the hills serving as his playground. Though both his parents were eligible, they never got to marry each other. Gil had a twin sister who perished in a flood, leaving one to speculate how much of a difference she could have been in her brother's life had she survived. Though they were poor, Justa was determined that her son should get the best education, her fervent wish being to see him make something of himself in the world as a good and learned man. So she taught him traits that shaped his person and character: good manners, cleanliness, the value of honest toil, and fair dealing. Gil imbibed these things early and never deviated from them; when he grew up and made his mark, it was said of him that, truly, the "child is father of the man."

The house and the ground where Gil was born had long since vanished. So near the edge of the river, the place was in the section of the barrio that after continual erosion was carried away by the rampaging river. A 1950 report to the municipal council says 75 houses around the area had been destroyed, one of them, Gil's ancestral home. The untamed river would have cut a new channel across the barrio and destroyed more homes, had not a dike been completed in 1954 to guard against further erosion.

His mother's place was part of the communal lands called "Lupang Tagalog" mostly areas bordering the riverbanks. Here Marikeños had had their homes for many a generation. The surrounding areas consisting of rice fields and vegetable gardens belonged the Tuazon Estate.

Gil was only ten when there was a commotion in town. Already owner of vast tracts of land forming part of present-day Quezon City, San Juan Del Monte and Caloocan City, the estate was disturbing the status quo, claiming that "Lupang Tagalog" was covered by their new torrens title. On the other hand, the natives could only produce their tax receipts. Thousands of Marikeños were rudely awakened to the possibility of eviction from lands they had long taken for granted as their own. The threat that they would end up as tenants or lessees of the estate was real.

With their backs against the wall, the natives stood their ground. They sought remedy from the court which favored them with a ruling that the Tuazon Estate could not alter the status quo, that they it could not have owned the communal lands. The townsfolk were thus spared the agony of being dispossessed of their properties.

Marikeños remembered this tussle with the estate. In gratitude, they named a main street in Sta. Elena after the lawyer who ably represented their case in court, Sylvestre Apacible. When 25 years later, President Quezon launched his social justice program, Marikeños seized the opportunity to put an end to tenancy in Marikina by petitioning the Commonwealth government to purchase and partition the Tuazon Estate and sell the lots to the residents. In the ensuing negotiations, the estate agreed to sell 104 hectares of its property in Marikina for the price of P300,000. The deal marked Marikeños as eminently capable of great enterprise and their example put pressure on the government to expedite its social justice program to check growing unrest and discontent in Central Luzon.

Gil was still a bachelor when he qualified for 350 square meters on Daang Pasig, the main street that leads to Pasig. He wished he had qualified for a bigger lot because his private passion was gardening. How much he loved to grow flowers and plants even while he was up to his neck in politics! He grew beautiful orchids which earned him a reputation among leading florists of Manila and a coveted membership in the Philippine Orchids Society. His wish was fulfilled some years later when he acquired a much bigger lot along Old J.P. Rizal St. In no time he transformed this lot into a garden full of flowers, plants and fruit trees and named it Villa Justa in memory of his mother.

Those born at the turn of the century found it a sad and awkward time. The generation of Rizal, Bonifacio and Mabini had dreamed and hoped that the next generation might be born and live in liberty, and to make this dream come true they willingly laid down their lives. But it was all in vain.. By 1905 when Gil was born, the Americans had dashed the dream of independence that was won from Spain, and the nation was again a colony. Gil's generation had not only missed the revolution, but they were also denied the honors reserved for the gallant, young men who gave their full measure in the trenches of Bataan and Corregidor. But they were summoned to a different struggle and they were marching toward their rendezvous with destiny by a different drummer. Their goal was independence through peaceful means and their battleground would shift from the hills to the halls of Congress in Manila and in Washington.

In 1905 important events leading to other events were unfolding. Gen. Macario Sakay, after years of trying desperately to fan the dying embers of the revolution, was captured. In chains, he was brought down from the Sierra Madre to Marikina where he was imprisoned inside a building that is now the Shoe Museum. This companion of Bonifacio and Jacinto when the revolution started in 1896, was subjected to humiliation and ridicule. He was paraded with a placard around his neck announcing him as a bandit. This was one of the sad stories of Filipino heroism that Gil heard in his youth and imbued him with the spirit of nationalism.

In that year, elections were held for municipal officials, followed in 1907 by elections for members of the First Philippine Assembly, an event that marked the beginning of the rivalry between Quezon and Osmeña. Thus before the first decade of the new century was over, the peaceful quest for independence was very much on its way. Thanks to the first batch of 540 American teachers who arrived in 1902, aboard the transport Thomas, a public school system had been immediately established. In Marikina, elementary classes were started in 1915 and classes for Grade VII were opened in 1918 to complete the elementary grades. At the age of seven, as was then mandatory, Gil first imbibed the milk of education under the American public school system.

For Marikeños, it was a big leap to go to high school in those days; one had to travel either to Manila or Pasig where the Rizal High School had been established by the Thomasites in 1902. Before 1933 when a German engineer completed the Marikina Bridge, it was more convenient, especially during the rainy season when the river becomes treacherous, for Gil and schoolmates to take the karetela to Pasig. It was in Rizal High that the best students from various towns met and competed for honors. As a group, Marikeños were looked up to for their social graces, better clothes, spit and polish and above average grades.

Gil had to work as a helper in one of the shoe shops in the village to pay his way to high school. His mother saw to it that his things were ready, his clothes well pressed, his shoes well-polished, his food packed when he had to extricate himself from his work bench and hurry to catch his karetela for the trip to Pasig. When he was taking up law in Manila, he went through almost the same routine; paid by the pair, he would work feverishly to finish his quota for the day, ride a karetela to Rosario, catch an electric train to Manila, and retrace the route on the way home. It was for young Gil a hard and trying life, but for his mother and his ambition, he was willing to endure any hardship. Fortunately, his mother had taken good care of his health. With his habits of cleanliness, outdoor exercise and moderation, he developed a strong physique and he was seldom sick.

In Rizal High, his grades were above average, giving his teachers the impression that he was capable of doing better if he would put his mind to it. His teachers though marked him for future leadership because of his language skills and ability to think fast on his feet. In fact, he had a penchant for debating with students from the other towns and did it so often that he was almost always the last boy of his bunch aboard the karetela that was to take them home. Whenever Gil was late, his companions could only bemoan that he was again enmeshed in one of his debates. Later, in Philippine Law School, he distinguished himself as an orator. His prize-winning speech, entitled "To the Filipino Labor," betrays his deep concern for the workingman.

As a young boy, Gil learned much from listening to stories told by the elders. Memories of the revolution were still fresh in the minds of the townsfolk, and they seemed tireless in telling and retelling stories about the heroes and villains they knew or heard at that time. As was the custom, these conversations in small gathering places were off-limits to children. It was considered a disrespect for children to listen into these conversations and they were shooed away. But Gil seemed never to have enough of tales about the revolution, politicians, legends and folklore. He would post himself in an inconspicuous corner and marveled at his elder's display of common sense and homespun wisdom. These village philosophers, some of whom never saw the roof of a school, awed him.

Young Gil was recognized early for his desire for bits of knowledge to the point of defying a custom. The old folks soon got used to his quiet presence and tolerated his eaves dropping, a privilege not given other children of the village. Much as he loved his books and took every chance to read them, Gil knew from childhood that one could learn a lot from listening to other people, that one could learn something even from the untutored, and that wisdom was all around if one could but stop and listen more carefully. This rare ability to listen helped him develop into a sharp debater. And this experience helped develop in him a healthy respect for any man whatever his station in life. When Gil was frequently seen alone in the riverbanks and was delivering speeches, presumably to the fishes, some elders feared he had gone over the deep end from too much reading, some were amused, while others were convinced that this young man would go places.

As a young man, Gil developed a special feeling for the people of his barrio, and this feeling was, measure for measure, reciprocated. He spoke fondly of their sense of oneness and belonging, their being good neighbors, their simple manners, their good cooking and hospitality, their being dressed to the nines on weekends and of their tables full of food on Sundays, and their courage to stand up and fight for their rights, when provoked. As a young politician, he was proud to be called "batang Kalumpang. He revered the names of its distinguished sons like Gen. Francisco Santos who fought in the revolution, Ceferino Legaspi or "Ka Bodeng" the town mayor who built the municipal building on the lot across the church.. There was also Marcelo Marcelo, a former vice mayor whom Gil later took in as his Municipal Secretary.

In his youth, there was hardly an important event that escaped Gil's notice. He was only 19 when, in 1924, the dominant Nacionalista Party broke into two factions over the issue of party leadership. Quezon accussed Osmeña of making a private domain of the party and demanded a more collective leadership. In the ensuing election, Quezon led his "collectivistas" to victory against Osmeña's "unipersonalistas." In those days, one does not fence-sit but stand for one side or the other. Don Servando de los Angeles and former Mayor Ceferino Legaspi rallied to Osmeña, while the De la Paz brothers, Emilio and Wenceslao, took the cudgels for Quezon.

Quezon's famous statement, "My loyalty to my party ends, where my loyalty to my country begins," was a big hit and a factor in his victory. This call to arms warms the heart and arouses passion. It did not fail to impress Gil, who loved rhetoric, and a good turn of phrase. But "Ka Bodeng" was rallying behind Osmeña and Kalumpang was ralllying behind him. Would the future leader of Kalumpang consider going against his own barrio? Gil chose not to. Having hitched their wagon to Quezon's bright star, the De La Paz brothers soon built a political establishment that would endure until the death of Don Emilio in 1951. Gil never became a part of this establishment. More of a maverick, he became its foremost foe in years; and against it Gil never attained a majority, even in his moments of triumph.

Ten years later in 1934, Gil again found himself opposing Don Emilio and Wenceslao, who had in the meantime become the town mayor, on the issue of Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. A roadmap for Philippine Independence it had to be approved by the Philippine Legislature. Again, the De la Paz brothers, pillars of the Nacionalista Party, were carrying the torch for Senate President Quezon who opposed the measure; they were the antis. Gil and Dr. Juan Chanyungco and some of the Partido Democrata were supporting the HHC secured by the Os-Rox Mission (Osmeña and Roxas) from the U.S. Congress; they were the pros. Becoming the first president of the Commonwealth was everything to Quezon and he was bent on denying his two rivals the fruit of their success. He gathered his allies in the legislature to defeat the measure.

One memorable day, a debate was held between the pros and the antis of Marikina. Gil, a graduate of Philippine Law School, led the pros against a battery of antis led by Dr. Anatolio B. Cruz, a UP graduate of medicine, and Sergio Ignacio, a medicine student and prize-winning orator of UST. A good-looking young man, only 18 and a nephew of Don Emilio, was very much on the side of the antis, obviously to assist them marshal their arguments. The young man was Enrique de la Paz, who would become acting mayor in 1945 and vice mayor from 1947 to 1951.

The debaters, says an account, had distinguished themselves against each other, and Marikeños felt a sense of pride for having produced such brilliant men. Tearing at each other's arguments, they gave the crowd more than they bargained for, knowledge, information and entertainment.. All in their prime, the debaters looked impressive. At 29, the upstart from Kalumpang cut a dashing figure-neat and tasteful in attire, clean-cut and looked leaner and taller than his 5 feet 4 inches by standing ramrod straight. His years of practice by the riverbanks gave him a clear, loud voice that could carry to the far edge of the crowd. He could hold his audience spellbound for hours. In the end, Quezon had his way; the legislature rejected the HHC on the argument that a better law could be secured. Quezon very soon left for Washington to get a better law and came home a few months later with the Tydings-Mcduffie Law which turned out to be no better. The result was that the Commonwealth was established and elections were held in 1935.

In 1946, Gil now "Mr. Liberal" would tangle again with these brilliant outriders of the political establishment-Dr. Cruz, Dr. Sergio and Enrique-on the issue of parity and the Bell Trade Act, and the military bases, treaties entered into by President Roxas as his administration grappled with the task of reconstruction.

It was a watershed of an election the nation went to on November 1935; it started the countdown for independence that will culminate ten years later. As expected, the Nacionalista Party of Quezon and Osmeña swept to victory along with a heavy majority in the unicameral legislature. Marikeños were ecstatic to see Don Emilio win as representative for the second district of Rizal, beginning a brilliant career that will last through the war and into the postwar years. Wenceslao, who had been a presidente since 1931 and Don Emilio now combined into a powerful duo, under whose shadow the ragtag group led by Juan and Gil had to accommodate itself. The brothers De La Paz proceeded to reinforce their hold in the town by doing well by their constituents. Wenceslao founded a private high school, the Marikina Academy, while Don Emilio was adulated for having brought on the purchase of the Tuazon Estate. But politics can be tricky and unpredictable especially on the mighty.

Within two years, Dr. Juan had emerged a political figure that Marikeños felt deserved a place in the firmament. Handsome, witty and of a warm and disarming personaliy, he had one thing more: an ambition to be a mayor, which put him in a collision with Wenceslao. The first time they fought, Juan lost, a testing of how good the stuff Juan was made of. Juan proved resilient and in a rematch in 1938, he dethroned Wenceslao. The latter came back for a rubber match in 1940, but despite his brother's spade work, he failed to dislodge Mayor Juan.

Gil, in his early thirties when all this was happening, found himself in a restless and temporary alliance with Dr. Juan. Since the debates on Hare-Hawes-Cutting, Juan had deferred to Gil for his broad knowledge and candor. In his contests with Wenceslao, Juan had needed the eloquence and dynamism of the younger leader. In fact, in 1940, he was able to overcome Gil's initial reluctance to make him run--and win-for a seat in the municipal council. On hindsight, Juan's victory in 1940 was aided by an issue that put the Congressman, whose term was not up until 1941, on the defensive. For the first time in his career, he was compelled to explain himself to hid constituents over an act of Congress that had caused them not inconsiderable distress.

When President Quezon signed Commonwealth Act No. 502 on October 12, 1939, he firmly set in motion the building of a great capital city that bears his name. Lands from eight big estates were acquired in forming the city, including 7,300 hectares from Marikina. Taken from Marikina were Diliman, Cruz na Ligas, Balara, Varsity Hills, Lower Barangka and Jesus de la Pena. A commotion ensued when it dawned upon the townsfolk that the measure had fixed the eastern boundary of the new city at the river. Marikeños were resigned to the loss of other areas, but not of the three barrios west of the river they had long considered integral to the town. Indeed, the history of Marikina began in those barrios; its loss therefore meant that Marikina was losing not only its lands but also some of its best citizens, kinsmen to those residing on the other side of the river, and its soul too.

Gil was quick to protest the measure as totally unfair and offensive to Marikeños. He did not relish crossing swords with Don Emilio, but emotions had run high over the issue and the people expected Gil to be outspoken. Don Emilio who could not feign ignorance of the steps in forming the city, and Governor Amang Rodriguez who had the ears of Quezon were criticized. Critics also took Don Emilio to task for not taking up with Quezon the possibility of compensating Marikina's huge loss with lands in Antipolo or Cainta. In recalling this episode, it was taken as inconceivable that Don Emilio had not warned Quezon of the adverse reaction of Marikeños. But those who knew Quezon were only too aware that to cross him when he was consumed by an idea was like trying to stop a runaway train.

Nonetheless, after persistent protest and petitions from their constituents, Don Emilio and Governor Rodriguez had managed to put it squarely to Quezon that a mistake had to be corrected to appease the Marikeños. Finally, in 1941, Quezon signed Commonwealth Act No. 559 providing among others the return of lower Barangka and Jesus de la Peña to Marikina and relocating the boundary to its present site. The issue hurt the electoral chances of Wenceslao in 1940, and might have hurt Don Emilio's re-election bid in 1941 had not the mistake been corrected.

Councilor Gil Fernando grew impatient with the slow pace of the local government; wishing it could be more enterprising and creative. Soon he was frequently at odds with Mayor Juan and the majority of the council. He felt that his proposals like raising P50,000 from a bond float of the province to finance permanent public improvements were not getting their proper hearing. He soon got tired of the routine and the seeming lack of movement, complaints his colleague were inclined to dismiss as coming from one who read too much. In August 1941, Gil surprised his colleagues by tendering an irrevocable resignation from the council. The council unanimously put it at the back burner and there it stayed until the war broke out the following December.

During the occupation, Gil kept low to avoid being forced into collaboration by the Japanese as they did to his friend, Nicanor Roxas, who was appointed Governor of Rizal. Nick also acted mayor of Marikina after Juan was arrested by the Kempetai and ordered executed in Montalban; on the way there, Juan jumped off his truck and hid among the guerrillas. Gil was suspected of underground activities, and thrown in jail. Gunding, Gil's favorite stepsister, was a frequent visitor. The Kempetai waited for someone to confirm its suspicion of Gil but nobody came forward. Marcial Villanueva, commander of the Mountainside Regiment, an affiliate of Marking's guerrillas, said after the war, that he was aware of the secret moves of town leaders like Juan and Gil, but was careful not to blow their cover. Don Emilio was incarcerated at Fort Santiago, and nearly died there, and released an emaciated figure. His brother, Mayor Wenceslao was taken by the Japanese and was never seen again.

It was during his frequent visits to his father's home in San Juan during the occupation that he met his future wife, Remedios Flores, while she was tending her dry goods store at the public market. At 38 Gil had caused his aging mother fits for failing to get himself a wife and raise a family. Meding, as she was called, was seven years younger than Gil and was a widow of three years and had a daughter called Pat. She grew up in the home of "aristocratic and conservative aunts and lolas of Flipino-Chinese-Spanish descent. Her grandfather was a pure Spanish." Her father, Ciriaco Flores, was a tenedor de libros who worked with Antonio de las Alas during the Commonwealth and later was manager of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office. To Gil and Meding were born three children in rapid succession: Ligaya in 1943, Dalisay in 1945 and Bayani in 1946. They sealed their love and their family by getting married before a justice of the peace. Mayumi was born much later in 1955. Gil's mother died before the children were born. The family stayed for a while in San Juan to allow Meding to tend to the store, while Gil was deep in local politics. So it was not until 1948 and Gil had been elected mayor when the whole family was settled in a house on Daang Pasig in Kalumpang.

With the return of the civilian government late in 1945, officials elected in 1940 and 1941 were recalled to their posts. Don Emilio was back at the House of Representatives. Mayor Juan, Vice Mayor Joaquin Sta. Ana and eighth councilors including Gil resumed their old duties. When Roxas broke with President Osmeña and formed the Liberal Party for the presidential elections set in April 1946, Gil saw his opening. He threw his support behind Roxas for president, and with Nick Roxas, proceeded to organize the Liberal Party of Marikina. During the campaign, Gil became an eloquent voice of the new party and its programs, and Roxas, who was sworn in as the first president of the Republic on July 4, 1946, was impressed.

Nick was immediately appointed as Deputy Executive Secretary, later as Executive Secretary, Undersecretary of the Interior and Mayor of Quezon City. But Gil remained uncertain of his status. He made no bones of his desire to be a mayor, by appointment if possible. Whether this route was open to him remained uncertain as the new administration grappled with the hold-over principle under which the incumbents were claiming the right to stay in office until their successors shall have been elected and qualified in November 1947.

Meanwhile, Gil had to take to the field, this time to help the president secure ratification of the constitutional amendment granting American citizens parity rights. Again, he had to debate with the leading NP's of the time, the same Dr. Anatolio and Dr. Sergio, whom he had debated 13 years ago on Hare-Hawes-Cutting; and now there was Enrique, fresh from law school, who had matured as a public speaker. After the ratification of parity rights in the plebiscite, Roxas saw his way through the political thicket and justified his appointment of Gil as mayor of Marikina on the first of December 1946.

Gil's inaugural address in 1946, the only speech he put in writing, is regarded a model in Tagalog prose. He reaffirmed his belief in the equality of all men, and that government is best which adheres to this principle. But men can achieve equality only by getting education. He vowed a clean, progressive, respected community where people are happy with the government. The moment public officials abuse their authority public spirit dies and people lose confidence in government; then they begin to go their separate ways, and disorder is the result. Government has a duty, he said, to make people aware of their rights as well as their responsibilities to each other, to law and to God. Learning is important so that the misguided may see the light.

Government is entitled to revenues to exist and to serve in proper and beneficial manner; money received must be returned immediately to the people in the form of essential services. He said it is unjust and harmful for a government to accumulate excess money because it breeds dictatorship, the people become poorer and equality dies. None but the people could best solve their problems, with strong arm, rich mind and clean conscience. The shoe industry is the lifeblood of the community; and without it Marikina is not Marikina. Groups should be formed to facilitate imports of materials and machinery, undertake researches on tanning, and improve marketing. All this, he warned, will remain but a dream if self-interest comes before common interest.

Many people listened to the speech, remembering it as high-minded, profound and laden with passion. Few, if any, of his predecessors had faced such mounting problems as confronted Gil in his first year in office. Such vital structures as the public market and the municipal hall were hit by bombs, many homes were destroyed and burned and people were impoverished; and the future looked bleak and uncertain as Marikeños, overcome by personal tragedies, began to pick up the pieces of their lives. Besides the physical destruction, the loss of fortune, something of greater value had been lost: there was in the aftermath of war, a breakdown in moral values, discipline and civility. Thievery had become rampant, there was more of prostitution and wayward youths, people had lost their moral compass as they strove to survive. Gil had one year to prove himself worthy of his hire.

Marikeños were embittered by Don Emilio's defeat in 1946. The fact that the honor of representing the second district of Rizal in the House of Representatives had passed to a son of Antipolo, was painful to contemplate. Close on the heels of the election, they heaped coals upon the heads of those known or perceived to have contributed to Don Emilio's defeat. But Don Emilio himself could not and did not complain; he knew the ways of politics, you win some, you lose some. And people like Gil could not be faulted; he was not Liberty Party chairman for nothing. Nonetheless nothing short of Gil's downfall in 1947 could appease the rabid supporters of Don Emilio, and they started casting about for a candidate who could beat him.

Not a few of the NP's had their eyes on former Mayor Juan, but Don Emilio would have no truck with the man who twice defeated his late brother Wenceslao. There was talk of fielding Marcial Villanueva, the popular guerrilla leader, but according to the man himself, he had no stomach for politics. And so the choice for NP nominee had narrowed down between Dr. Anatolio and Enrique. In the end, it was decided that they team up to form a powerhouse ticket, Dr. Anatolio for mayor and Enrique for vice mayor. Gil took for his running mate the incumbent vice mayor, Quirino de Guzman.

Mayor Gil was uncertain of victory in a one-on-one contest with the NP official bets. As long as Don Emilio was around to call the shots, the political establishment he had nurtured from President Quezon's time could still command a majority. It was to Gil heaven-sent when former Mayor Juan complicated the equation by declaring himself a candidate for mayor. Juan had enough following to be considered a serious contender, but it was clear that most of his support would come from the establishment with which he was identified. So as Gil had predicted, it was a close election that was resolved in his favor because Juan, running as an independent, took away sufficient votes from Dr. Anatolio to hand Gil his victory.

The first mayor to have enjoyed a four-year term, Gil held office during a most turbulent period in Philippine history. The country lay prostrate after a brutal war, and reconstruction was slow and frustrating because funds were hard to come by; social unrest which had reached near eruption when the Japanese came, had blown up into a Huk rebellion; and abroad the Cold War had begun, pushing the world to the brink of nuclear annihilation. War damage payments amounting to P92,472.00, and pre-war deposits amounting to P14,813.00 returned by the provincial government helped, but Gil and the council had to get a loan of P285,000 from the Rehabilitation Finance Corporation to repair the public market, and the schools.

Due to limited funds, it was not until 1955 during the term of Mayor Juan that a new municipal hall was completed. Making do with meager resources, Mayor Gil built new roads and alleys linking barrios and neighborhoods; and he acquired additional school sites. True to his promise to spread education, he established the Marikina High School in 1949 in collaboration with Tomas Santos in a two-hectare lot donated by the Tuazon family through the intercession of a family friend, Col. Generoso Tanseco. The school had evolved into the Marikina School of Arts and Trades, later the Marikina Institute of Science and Technology and now the Marikina Polytechnic College. He opened the Marikina Public Library in 1956 inside the municipal hall.

He took steps to revitalize the shoe industry, calling it the lifeblood of Marikina. He organized the Philippine Shoe Manufacturing Corp., with an initial capital of P500,000 to facilitate imports of shoe materials and machinery from the United States, and not long after these imports were helping improve production and quality of local shoes. He encouraged local producers to expand their market and distribution networks, urging them to open more at Raon to compete with Chinese-owned stores in Binondo. At one time, the corporation held offices in Raon. Mayor Fernando told local producers to form associations because unity and cooperation is the key to their survival.

At war's end, the Manila Railroad Company abandoned its plans to restart the trains plying the route between Rosario and Montalban, uncertain of its plans for the disposition of the railroad tracks and the easements. Gil advanced his idea of converting the whole stretch into a national highway. He was looking far into the future of congestion, traffic jams and environmental degradation. He took it up with the municipal council and got his resolution, and with it he sent a letter to the officials of MRR. The resolution states that allowing the mass settlement of the property would cause "unhealthy and unsightly inconveniences to the town, and that allowing private persons to settle on the property would entail hardships and big expense to the insular government in due time."

The MRR could not decide. Bankrupted during the war, it has been in search of funds to rehabilitate what was left of the company. Meanwhile, private persons were beginning to settle on the property, abetted by some. MRR officials. When Gil lost in 1951, his dream of a national highway went up in smoke. The next council, picking up where he left off, was extremely modest, if not more realistic, in its proposal: a request to MRR to give it priority in buying the portion of the tracks fronting the townsite.

But even this proposal was not granted; the property in question was filling with settlers. Then the MRR sold the property, lock, stock and barrel to the GSIS, which proceeded to subdivide the lands, giving priority to its occupants. It would wait until 1970, when Governor Rodriguez started building the Sports Center that the settlers occupying the area facing the municipal hall were removed and relocated to Cainta. Had the whole stretch been converted into a highway as proposed by Gil and his council, it would have serve as the spur to a more orderly, rational and environment-friendly development not only of the town, but also of the whole Marikina Valley. The effects of that mistake had been very deleterious to the subsequent development of Pasig, Marikina, San Mateo and Montalban, and had been irremediable.

It was also a dangerous time for one at the helm. In 1950, the Huks were knocking at the doors of Manila, and Marikina Valley lies astride between the Sierra Madre and the city. Mayor Gil had long been a target of the Huks, and one day they made an attempt to get him in his home in Kalumpang. Gil was solemnizing a marriage inside his house when gunfire rent the evening calm. Gil heard the first burst and everybody scampered for safety, but he held on the couple a few seconds more until he could say, "I declare you husband and wife." With his old bodyguard, Tadas, providing him cover, they dashed outside the house and ran toward a hideout near the river, but not before he could see his family clamber over a steel fence into a neighbor's house and to safety. There was a brief firefight near the mayor's residence on Daang Pasig when elements of the constabulary responded, and a report said a rebel was killed, while the others escaped into the darkness. Mayor Gil remained a target of the rebels because of his uncompromising stand until the Huks became a spent force at the end of the fifties.

After his remarkable comeback victory in 1949, Don Emilio died of respiratory ailments in August 1951, while undergoing treatment in Los Angeles. His death left a void nobody of the establishment could fill. It was a big blow to the political aspirations of Enrique, who had hoped to win the NP nomination for mayor that year. Had Don Emilio been around, he could have swung the nomination in Enrique's favor, for that seemed to be the tacit agreement between them when Enrique was persuaded to give way to Dr. Anatolio in the 1947 elections. But with the old man gone, Enrique could not even control the establishment, whose elements had slowly gravitated to Dr. Juan. At the convention, neither Enrique and Dr. Juan could get the necessary 60 percent of the delegate votes for nomination, The convention remained deadlock until it was late at night and the delegates were weary and impatient. It was not clear if it was Dr. Juan who initiated the move, but a bargain was struck: Juan in 1951 and Enrique in 1955. Enrique was drafted as the party's campaign manager. Angel Santos of Bayan-bayanan was tapped for vice mayor.

It was ironic as borne by events that the death of Don Emilio contributed to Gil's defeat in 1951, sort of hieving in death something one could not achieve in life. For had the old man been alive, Enrique would probably have been the nominee, and Dr, Juan who was raring to run, would have done so as independent, as he had done in 1947, and would do so again in 1959, when his chances had been less promising. That would have split the adversaries of Gil and gave him a better than even chance in 1951. With Dr. Juan the nominee, and Enrique agreeing to be his campaign manager, the NP had become united. Faced with this combination, Gil who was strong in performance and in integrity, was overwhelmed along with his whole ticket. Only after the smoke of battle cleared that Marikeños felt some regrets that a good and decent leader had fallen. Gil was defeated not for any failure or personal shortcomings, but because in an election, " Hindi pala nakaboboto ang mga kalsada." One issue was raised against Gil in the campaign, that some of his followers in Kalumpang were "siga-siga" or bullies. The issue was overblown. The fact was that the natives of Kalumpang were known for not running from a good fight. They could be loudmouth and used cussed phrases, but they were not quarrelsome to start a fight, unless provoked.

For the next four years, Gil watched with increasing dismay the dwindling fortunes of his party. Quirino's insistence to run for re-election in 1953, despite failing health and growing unpopularity, resulted in mass defections to the opposite party, including that of former Defense Secretary Ramon Magsaysay, who was drafted NP candidate for president.

Magsaysay carried with him to victory his entire senatorial slate and an overwhelming majority of congressmen. One of the victors was Serafin Salvador whom the Rodriguez and Sumulong clans had chosen as their common candidate for representative of the second district of Rizal. Against this combination of forces, the LP bet, former Governor Sixto Antonio never had a chance. Gil, consistent with his principles, stuck to his party, even if it meant being buried under an avalanche. So Gil had to contend with another Marikeño, another of his adversaries, who had taken the old seat of Don Emilio.

After these LP debacles, not a few of his adversaries, even some friends, had consigned Gil to political oblivion, where there is no return. For his part, Gil could only wait for another opportunity, or to look for a new leader who could take his place in the party. In any case, it was only with a growing despair that he looked forward to 1955.

Meanwhile, Gil found new happiness for the time he could spend with his family. Now he could watch his three children grow and better guide them as they struggle to get an education. It was during this interlude that the family was blessed with a new arrival, a girl, whom the couple named Mayumi. Her rather late arrival into the family presaged good fortune.

As 1955 approaches, President Magsaysay was at the peak of his popularity. Under his leadership, the NP had become a formidable political machine; nowhere was this more abundantly true than in Rizal Province where the Rodriguezes and the Sumulongs were in complete control after smoking the peace pipe in 1953. Not even the young and brilliant Jovito Salonga could summon enough courage to defy the twin dynasties. Unceremoniously stripped of the NP nomination he had won in an open and fair convention, Salonga abandoned the fight and chose instead to go on exile from which he would not return until 1961.

In Marikina, all the elective posts were in NP hands, and now that Irineo Cruz was assuming the chairmanship of the party, the NP could not have been in better hands. Arrayed against these forces, Gil looked puny and helpless. But like David fighting Goliath, Gil could still be dangerous and deadly. His eloquence as a Tagalog speaker was unrivalled, now that Don Emilio was dead; to his neighbors, friends and kinsmen in Kalumpang he remained a folk hero; his integrity was unsullied. And he had one thing going for him all the years he was in the political wilderness, and that was the political promise that was yet to be redeemed between Dr. Juan and Enrique.

Did not Juan hold out the promise that it will be Enrique's turn in 1955? And had he not held on to this promise, living his life and behaving in such manner as to be worthy of the position he believed himself an heir to? If Juan were to renege on his promise, would not this breach of faith bring about so much bitterness and recriminations within the party? As 1955 began, Enrique was getting impatient for Juan to make the signals that indeed a changing of the guard was in the offing. But Juan's body language indicated otherwise. Enrique was waiting for nothing, as it was soon evident that Juan had decided that he will run again.

The NP had split into warring factions, giving Gil the opening; it could be 1947 all over again! On the other hand, Gil was aware that the situation in 1955 could be different. In 1947, it proved enough that the NP was divided into two factions because Gil was then the incumbent and the LP was the party in power. This time, it was the reverse: Juan was the incumbent and the NP loomed like an impregnable fort. In a three-cornered fight, Juan could still have the edge; Gil might not be able to beat the odds considering his many handicaps.

It was while he was agonizing over his chances that Gil got his insurance: a bold declaration from Andres Paz that he, too, was running for mayor. "Andres Lupa" as he was known in Marikina, was a qualified candidate. He carried a good name and had done one great service to Marikina for which he will always be remembered. An old friend and ally of Don Emilio, he was beside him and Wenceslao during the long and tedious negotiations for the purchase of the Tuazon Estate that was later subdivided and sold to residents of Marikina. A resident of Sta. Elena and a Nacionalista, Andres was well positioned to take away votes from Mayor Juan.

Gil's victory in the l955 election was remarkable considering that it was achieved in a known NP bailiwick, against strong odds and the fact that it was another nationwide disaster for the LP. Of the eight senatorial candidates only the guest candidate, Claro M. Recto, survived the Magsaysay juggernaut. Among the casualties was Diosdado Macapagal, who lost for senator that year, but would be elected vice president two years later. Gil was thus admired and envied by his fellow politicians whose favorite haunt was Plaza Café in Plaza Sta. Cruz. Gil's renown as a great speaker had spread from the time of the late President Roxas whose defender he was of his foreign and economic policies.

Now as 1957 approaches, it was Macapagal's turn to seek his counsel and support as a candidate for vice president. In one of his swings to Marikina, there was a big meeting at the town plaza, and there Gil introduced him in a memorable speech that described him as "God-given" and a man destined to become a president. Gil's prediction came true in 1961, and before he could be installed as president, Macapagal remembered Gil and his beautiful speech. He visited Gil at his home to offer him a position at Malacañang. The young President appointed him his Appointments Secretary; later he was appointed deputy administrator of his centerpiece program on job generation.

On hindsight, the 1955 campaign was of the elevating kind. As in the 1951 elections the issue of graft and corruption was not a major issue, which says volume on the kind of local officials Marikina elected in those halcyon times. To his credit, Gil raised the campaign to a new plane. He made people realize that it was not just another election, but one in which their future was at stake, and that they must make their choice less on personal popularity and more on the programs of each candidate. For Marikina was changing, the whole nation was changing, and the next mayor must be one of vision to lead the town on the right path.

In this campaign, which he dubbed his "last fight" Gil delivered some of the best speeches of his political career, talking of character, discipline and honest toil as requisites for a person to grow and the town with him. At 50, he was physically fit and could, with his lungpower, speak tirelessly for hours. But always he reserved his best speeches among his barrio mates with whom he had developed a mystic bond.

To the credit of Andres, Gil and Enrique their debate at the town plaza, which was the highlight of the campaign, was high-minded and enlightening. Gil and Enrique, who had debated on many local and national issues, were again at their best. And following the elevated tone of the campaign, they treated each other as would men of honor. Andres received praise by refusing to be awed by two of Marikina's best debaters. On the other hand, Juan disappointed a great many by not coming; his wit and sense of humor, which could have added fun and excitement to the debate, were sorely missed.

Gathering momentum at the stretch, Gil won the race from behind. Forming the cornerstone of his remarkable victory were three outlying barrios: Kalumpang, Barangkad Nangka. Gil was back at the saddle.

On his second term, Gil was confronted with the problems spawned by industrialization and urbanization. Such problems as pollution, zoning, sanitation and housing shortage spawned by the influx of factory workers emerged among his top concerns. He was hampered in these tasks by low revenue intake of the municipal government. Unfortunately, the new industries that had caused these problems have not been of much help, paying taxes only after the expiration in 1960 of their five-year tax incentives. Seeing the blight and health hazards that resulted in towns that had no zoning, he initiated the establishment of industrial zones for light and heavy industries in Parang and Marikina Heights, and declared residential areas off limits to new factories.

Gil also wanted to open a road connecting the Marikina Bridge to what later became Shoe Avenue, but could not proceed for lack of funds. It had to wait for the provincial government to undertake the project in 1970. He also foresaw the constructon of the highway linking Marikina to Mayamot in Antipolo and so asked the council to delineate the portion for the proposed road, the hospital and the playground. When all these projects were put in place, their locations hewed closely to the plan of Gil and his associates.

In 1956, when Gil began his second term, Marikina had only 35,000 residents; when he left in 1960, the number was nearing 100,000. Most of the migrants came to work in factories spawned by industrialization, some had been lured by the town's beautiful setting and friendly people and were about to trigger a boom in housing and subdivisions. With these demographic changes, came changes in the economic, social and political patterns in the once rural community. And there was the question of protecting the environment, the river especially, whose allure and clear waters would fell victim to pollution and squatters.

In a way, Gil failed to adjust to the changing political patterns. By 1959, when he ran for re-election, the LP coalition he had creatively shepherded to victory in two elections had become a small minority, as the number of voters had increased. The magic and the heroic sense of 1955 had waned, and his rhetoric had begun to lose edge when he ran and lost in 1959. For years, he was on the lookout for new and young leaders who could carry the LP banner, and allow him to retire to his family, his passion for books and flower gardens. But the field was barren. He was back in harness to campaign for Macapagal and Salonga in 1961. Despite their victories, Gil's search for a successor had been fruitless, and so had to stand again for mayor in 1963 against all odds. Only years later did young, eager faces come knocking at his door to ask for his blessings. Nonong Molina, in 1967, and Pitong Santos, in 1971, both carried the LP banner, but despite their youth and appeal, they fell short of victory.


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